Cognitive Dissonance.
Even though all representations
of Hadrian's Wall are imaginary, this idea of failure probably conflicts with our picture of a great stone
Wall from sea to shining sea, as well as our general positive view of Roman achievement.
Primarily through religion and
the remarkable persistence of Latin literacy, The Romans have been woven so
deeply into the fabric of Western Culture that we no longer perceive the
joins. Notably, they are the fall-back
cultural reference to invoke ideas of power, strength, authority, stability and
order. The Romans were part of our
childhood; they had a walk on part in the bible, and usually form one of our
earliest educational explorations of History.
This is a pictorial world, from the
quaint anachronisms of medieval stained glass to the pulsating classical
re-imaginings of Hollywood our culture has sought and consumed a visual past. Much of our cultures fictional world exists in
the past where it merges with whatever actuality is understood at the
time. It’s the past’s self-serving
plasticity that drives much of our culture, and it is against this composite
magical, heroic, romantic, self-propagating backdrop of our collective
imagination that archaeologists must attempt to function.
Importantly, our Latin based
classical world existed long before the advent of Archaeology, and as a
consequence, excavation data has often been approached from the perspective of
an existing literary tradition. Thus,
for many reasons, the dark secret of this failure had long been beyond the
imagination of classical scholarship, but the archaeology tells a different
story.
The Wall as numbers
The essential difference between imagining or drawing a
structure and actually building a real one is Maths. Using numbers is the
principle tool of abstraction by which engineers implicitly or explicitly
create, plan and execute a successful design.
Given the simplicity of the concept of a mortared stone wall, albeit a
“New technology” in this context, apart from the bridges, the project is mainly
a problem of logistics. The central idea of Theoretical Structural Archaeology is
that engineered structures can be modelled mathematically; this has the
additional advantage of not approaching the archaeological evidence from a
pictorial or literary perspective.
My current understanding of the structural
evidence is based on new mathematical modelling, which strongly suggests the
narrative summarised below and fully justifies the characterisation of the
project as a disaster
Hadrian’s Backstory; A Senatorial Class act
Broadly, by the time of Hadrian, real political power in
Rome still rested with the 600 senators, even though since Augustus, one of
their numbers was chosen to be Emperor. [There
was no written constitution, and the central issue of Roman political history
would remain exactly how the process of ‘choosing’ should work].
This self-selecting ruling elite, while living a life of
extraordinary privilege, were expected to serve the state, having carefully
tailored paid political careers that took them through the army, Law, and
administration, even religion, and back again.
An emperor like Hadrian had been a judge, army officer, treasury
official, legionary commander, provincial governor, as well as a Consul, one of
the two vestigial republican heads of state elected annually. It is a measure of the stability of the
constitutional settlement that Hadrian, who was Consul three times, could also
hold one of these offices while also being Emperor. Therefore it should be understood that the
Emperor in this period was a constitutional figure, with specific
responsibility and powers. As Commander
in Chief of a standing army of about 250,000 men, his particular role was
security, more especially in those provinces of the empire that required a
garrison.
His Biographers assert that Hadrian pursued
peace as aggressively as his predecessor Trajan had pursued war. Trajan’s profitable wars in Dacia had yielded
serious amounts of bullion and slaves, however, more recent military
adventurism in Iraq had been a disaster, destabilising the region. As well as problems in the East, Hadrian also
seems to have inherited trouble on Western edge of the empire, where in
Britain, the army had abandoned Southern and Eastern Scotland, falling back to
northern England, where they may have suffered further reverses while Trajan’s
attention was elsewhere
Ruling Britannia
Hadrian was the first emperor to visit the Island since
Claudius came to celebrate his 'conquest' of Britain nearly eighty years
earlier. The intervening period had
seeing a slow and often ineffectual attempt to gain control of the whole
island, such that by Hadrian’s time territorial ambitions were restricted to
the southern half.
While this represented between 3-4 % of the empire, the
loyalty and security of the population was ensured by the presence of 13% of
the empire’s troops in the province. In
return for their protection, the natives would have been expected to be
provided much of the food and presumably other materials to supply the largest
provincial army of occupation anywhere in the Empire.
The degree to which the Romans had successfully integrated
the traditional aristocracies into their own social hierarchy and culture is
unclear. For Hadrian Romanisation was a
part of his mission of bringing peace and prosperity, so in addition to
commissioning the Wall, he also initiated the development of a new Forum in
London, which by this stage had taken over as the governmental and logistical
hub for the administration of the Island.
His coins are the first to have Britannia personified on the
reverse, albeit with her head in her hands in a gesture of sorrow or mourning, reminiscent
of Dacian coins after Trajan had finished with them. While not a very auspicious start, it was
perhaps appropriate, given that within a few years, London would be burnt, and
the Bronze statue commemorating Hadrian’s visit taken from the Forum, smashed
and thrown in the Thames.
Why a wall
The strategy of building a Wall adopted by Hadrian was a
novel, untried, time consuming and expensive; it was only made possible by
the presence of limestone along most of the frontier.
Given that the resources of the Emperor with his court were
backing this revolutionary project, we have to assume that the Wall had been
planned and costed, presumably to be finished during the governorship of Nepos,
i.e. about five years, ending around AD127.
This New Governor of Britain was an important member of Team Hadrian,
who had been co-consul with the Emperor, and importantly, he had supervised
infrastructure projects for Trajan.
The Wall was piece of military infrastructure, built and
manned by the army, which offered a solution to a real security issue. Put simply; while infantry can climb the
Wall, without baggage in the form of pack animals or wheeled transport, and
lacking cavalry support, they cannot offer significant threat to the important
economic assets further south.
Viewed from the North, it is equally simple; the objective
is to capture a gate, and with one every mile, there were plenty to choose
from.
However, even a generous reading of the Romans' intentions
would envision a garrison of century per mile, with 40 men in each milecastle
and the rest back at one of the forts.
Split that into 3 watches, and we have little more than a dozen men
manning two gates, a pair of turrets, and guarding a mile of Wall. This might challenge many people's vision of the
wall with frequent patrols of soldiers marching back and forth ready to fight
off disparate groups of attackers trying to climb the Wall; this works for
legionary fortress with roughly one man per foot of perimeter, but with less
than one man per 100 foot it’s a non-starter.
To put that in perspective, in the only documented major
battle against the Highlanders, the Battle of Mons Graupius in 84, the Romans
had reportedly defeated a force of around 30,000. The basic units of auxiliary army units
manning the wall are cohorts of 600 men, perhaps up to 1000 when supplemented
by cavalry, occupying forts about 7 miles apart, so no milecastle should be
much more than an hour from infantry reinforcement.
In theory, the multiple gates give the defenders the counter-attacking
options which are typical of a Roman fort, with the prospect of trapping the
enemy against the Wall. However, the
nearest Legionary forces were based some hundred miles and several days march
to the south, and the garrison alone would find it difficult to concentrate
while also maintaining its commitments to manning the Wall’s many fixed
positions.
Thus, the Wall can only work if there is sufficient warning
of an attack to allow reinforcement of the relevant sections and the
pre-positioning appropriate resources. Without
good intelligence, the enemy can turn up in force unexpectedly, or outflank the
frontier using the Sea, in which case the strategic situation could deteriorate
very quickly for the defenders. The
previous border was more typical, with a series of forts linked by a road;
presumably this had proved too porous, with hostile forces passing undetected
through this screen, resulting in sufficient military loss to prompt such a
radical and expensive solution.
As a consequence, Hadrian’ decision to build his Wall is an important
insight into the political situation at the time. It is simply not realistic to imagine that the
territory north of the Wall, immediately adjacent to the largest military
garrison in the Empire, was anything other than cooperative and acting as a
buffer against hostile elements further north.
The whole plan is rendered ineffectual if the buffer state fails to
prevent or at least warn of a direct attack in force on the Wall, and
catastrophic if this occurs during construction.
The building of Hadrian’s Wall 122-138
"Hadrian travelled through one province after another…. inspecting all the garrisons and forts. Some of these he removed to more desirable places, some he abolished, and he also established some new ones." [Cassius Dio 9.1].
In 122, when Hadrian and his court came to Britain, the garrison had been reinforced by the arrival of Legion VI along with the New Governor from Germany; Nepos, a close personal friend of the emperor. These latter two events, particularly the appointment of Nepos, suggest that the decision to construct a permanent frontier had already been taken.
In this first season an initial frontier was constructed from the bridgehead at Newcastle to the Cumbrian Coast comprising a standard timber rampart with a ditch in front. Constructed by the army operating across the width of the country, and because this was effectively an extended fort perimeter with gates every mile and intervening turrets, typical of legionary field works, it could be accomplished relatively quickly. This timber frontier was laid out to the same fixed scheme as the Stone Wall that was to replace it. The route cuts more or less straight across the narrowest part of the country, along a line designed to take advantage of the spectacular escarpment of the Whin Sill.
Presumably, under the personal direction of the emperor, a series of elaborate forts, with three double gates opening north of the Wall, were laid out along the line, supplementing some of the existing ones from the earlier frontier.
Work in this early phase was characterised by an abundance of unskilled labour evidenced by the digging of a construction trench for a frontier road, [The Vallum]. This was unnecessary, even counterproductive at this stage, unless there was a surplus of unskilled labour with nothing better to do towards the building of the Wall. The excavation of a channel to divert the North Tyne at Chollerton in preparation for the building of the Bridge, as well as the digging of Wall foundation trenches considerably in advance of construction may also be part of this pattern.
In addition to the significant amount of planning and preparation work required for the replacement of the frontier in stone, a crucial logistical constraint was the availability of lime mortar. The amount of dried fire wood required is equal to the weight of lime produced, so unless coal was used, there was a lead time to the production of mortar that takes the process into the next season [123] before building proper could start. From then on, as sections of the stone frontier are completed, recycled wood from the timber rampart also becomes available for use as fuel or for building work.
In this first season the army would have to build a series of more typical temporary forts to house the garrison and workforce close to the works, probably comprising a small camp every mile with larger camps reflecting the distribution of forts.
In 123 work on the Wall began in earnest with the army concentrated in the east along a 62km section, working on the complex aspects simultaneously, with aim of completing the Wall progressively in a westward direction. Unlike the west, the eastern side of the country had abundant limestone, but it was also strategically stronger, being much better served by the navy and close to legionary hub at York.
In this second season, work on the most complex and time consuming tasks was prioritised, notably building the three bridges, three new forts, and the milecastles with their arched gateways. The construction of the milecastles served to develop the logistic network, ensuring that quarrying and lime mortar production has to been established all along the route as far as the Bridge at Willowford.
The secondary priority was joining up these fixed units with a 10 feet thick curtain wall of mortared sandstone blocks on a pre-prepared foundation, known to have been organised around individual centuries.
In this second season, the construction of a road did not progress, perhaps it was scheduled to start in year 3, but manpower could to be issue. Just as it only makes sense to dig a foundation if there is a surplus of labour, similarly, only a shortage would prevent the next obvious step of completing the road in tandem with Wall, utilising the same resources. It is the decisions around this aspect of the project are the key to what happened next.
Progress was halted, probably in the 124 season; it seems probable that there was a serious revolt in Southern England, evidenced by the destruction of Roman London, an intriguing spread of skulls in the area, the building of a new fort, and the sending of significant Legionary reinforcements from the continent. Whatever the army was doing, it was not progressing work on the Wall.
An analysis of the curtain Wall Logistics, suggests that the Romans suffered a significant loss of manpower, skills, and perhaps other logistical assets during the second part of Nepos governorship. This resulted in a new plan under governor Germanus, abandoning or postponing the plan for the road and scaling back the Curtain Wall to 8’ or less. Notably, the addition of three extra forts in the central sector strongly suggest the initial plan had left this area lightly defended relying on the topography of the Whin Sill escarpment and existing forts at Vindolanda and Carvoran . The Wall was also extended from Newcastle to Wallsend, indicating that another potential weakness had been exposed.
However, this Narrow Wall plan was also never completed, so it is possible that both the eastward extension and the extra forts may reflect serious incursions from the North during the execution of this second plan.
It is unclear how far work had progressed when Germanus was replaced by Severus, but it is known that he was reputedly Rome’s top general, because he was summon from Britain to deal with a serious revolt in Judea in 133.
Progress was so slow that the timber rampart west of the fort Birdoswald, made of alder and hazel, and was too badly rotted be functional or recycled. As a result new temporary ramparts were built to allow the work to continue on the Wall to the North of the Original line.
Sisenna was the fourth Governor in charge of the project when Hadrian died in 138, but despite significant scaling back and the sending of additional troops progress towards the replacement of the frontier in stone had reached around roman mile 56 of 80. The project seems to have met its ignominious end just 7 miles beyond where the army had been building their Broad Wall Bridge at Willowford 15 years earlier.
An Imperfect Subjunctive Past
“… the first to construct a wall, eighty miles in length,
which was to separate the barbarians from the Romans”. [Historia Augusta].
This is the only significant reference to Hadrian’s Wall; it
is hardly a celebration or ringing endorsement of a foreign policy triumph, and
the Latin carries the implicit meaning that it failed in its purpose; {……….,
qui barbaros Romanosque divideret. }.
Hadrian had no doubt assumed that the population of Southern
England would be prepared to participate by providing labour and other
resources in addition to supporting the largest army of occupation in the
empire. Presumably, the “Normal” distribution of this large garrison
represented a response to existing security concerns.
The stress on the labour supply has implications for the food
production, something easily upset by external factors such as the
weather. However, the biggest risk is
the actual project itself, which required the disposition of the army along a
73 mile frontier, in a manner best suited to the needs of construction.
One of the most frequent causes of military defeats is
surprise, which almost by definition is being caught with your forces
improperly disposed; [such as being ambushed while marching in column]. Geographically,
it’s a position that can be easily outflanked by sea, and, as already noted,
the entire strategy hinges on the allegiance and effectiveness of the buffer
state to the north. Taking defensive position hands the initiative to the
enemy, in particular the ability to concentrate at perceived points of
weakness, which ironically, in this case, was probably the area, assumed to be
most secure.
In addition, the project has the same logistical problems of
supplying an army in the field, but without prospect of foraging supplies or
booty as might be expected during a campaign.
The construction of a static line of defence combines most of the
problems of campaigning with none of the advantages.
With the benefit of hindsight and in the light of subsequent
modification, the plethora of gates would appear to have been a weakness,
offering multiple potential breaches in the wall. From Hadrian’s perspective, they must
represent multiple places to counter-attack the enemy, since the strategic
raison d'être has to assume there is time to pre-position sufficient forces to
repel any attack. This reinforces the idea that the Wall can only conceivably
serve any realistic military function as part of a wider political settlement
involving the political allegiance and cooperation of the territory to the
North.
Notably, the principle characteristic of subsequent
development of the Wall, both in terms of the Milecastles and the Forts was the
blocking of many of these gates.
Rationalising the irrational
“He personally viewed and investigated absolutely
everything, not merely the usual appurtenances of camps, such as weapons,
engines, trenches, ramparts and palisades, but also the private affairs of
everyone, ……”[Cassius Dio 9.2]
Numbers only get you so far, in that engineering, particular
military engineering is usually self-explanatory, and there is even an
expectation of subtlety and ingenuity; but Hadrian’s Wall is dumb. Consider
milecastle 39, on the top of the escarpment, with a set of gates opening onto
precipitous drop, and it is obvious that Hadrian’s Wall is cookie cutter
military architecture imposed on a landscape; it is an idea of a Wall; a back
of the scroll sketch.
The multitude of gates is symptomatic of deeper problem
about the design and execution of the project; this is not the work of a
professional or competent commander in the field, but a simplistic and risky
idea rigidly enforced by executive order.
The irrationality of the archaeological evidence can only be explained
by seeking reasons in vagaries of Roman History, in particular the portrayal of Hadrian's character of in the two main biographical sources.
While, as emperors go, Hadrian was seen as a good bloke, a
constitutional team player, he was also self-opinionated and more than a little
contrary. He had a high regard for own
ability in all matters, certainly as it pertained to being Emperor and
Commander-in-chief; he was hands on, nosy, meddlesome and got intimately
involved in all aspects of military affairs.
While it is easy to be drawn into the often prejudicial
rabbit holes left by his biographers, Cassius Dio goes to some length to
explain the story of Apollodorus, Trajan’s architect, who had Hadrian had
banished and then killed. Apparently, he
criticised Hadrian’s knowledge of architecture in his youth, and then had been
honest about the technical shortcomings of a design of a Temple proposed by the
newly minted Emperor; this failure by a social inferior to take the opportunity
to flatter the emperor was his downfall.
Thus, while Roman Senators like Hadrian were exceptionally
well educated and uniquely experienced in administration, they were not all
equally adept at adapting local talents to their needs. Trajan did not fancy himself as an
architect, and utilised professional talent like Apollodorus to design his
bridges, whereas Hadrian would be tempted to do it himself, putting those
involved in a difficult and potentially perilous position.
It almost feels like a stereotype; an arrogant emperor
making sweeping decisions without adequate preparations, attention to detail
and thought of consequences, but it almost exactly mirrors the criticism
levelled against Hadrian by the unfortunate Apollodorus.
Pax Romana
Hadrian never returned to Britain, and the province hardly
troubles his biographers further, and more generally only one episode clouds the
otherwise sunny reputation of his reign.
In 130 Hadrian had visited Jerusalem, which had been
destroyed by the Romans in 69, and decided to rebuild it as a Pagan Roman city;
"At Jerusalem Hadrian founded a city in place of the one
which had been razed to the ground, naming it Aelia Capitolina…. This brought
on a war of no slight importance nor of brief duration. . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . . Few Jews survived. Fifty of their most
important fortresses and 985 of their better-known villages were razed to the
ground. 580,000 were killed…. As for the numbers who perished from starvation,
disease, or fires, that was impossible to establish."
Cassius Dio, The Roman History, 69.12.1,
& 69.14.3
The reason for this digression is firstly, that it was the
Governor Severus that Hadrian summoned from Britain to deal with this Revolt,
and secondly, in a famous quote, an author likened the situation in Britain to
the Jewish War documented above.
“... under the rule of your grandfather Hadrian what a
number of soldiers were killed by the Jews, what a number by the Britons”
Marcus Cornelius Fronto, letter to Marcus Aurelius, AD162
This is the only direct reference to serious military losses
in Britain, however, that the Romans suffered a significant loss of manpower,
skills, and perhaps other assets during the project is evident from the
numbers. Only two thirds of the
Hadrian’s Wall was ever built; despite being dramatically scaled back, what
probably started as a 5 year project, was abandoned unfinished after 16 years
by his successor.
The permanence of mortared stone construction is clearly a
statement about the political solution this Wall represents; the Emperor had
solved a troublesome problem in perpetuity, and made a statement about the
limits of Roman territorial interest.
There is an eerie parallel, in that, two years after an imperial visit,
the policy decisions taken have precipitated a crisis in the region; in both
cases, Roman losses are hinted at, but in this case the response is
documented. For an emperor and 600
hundred of his peers to maintain control over 60 million people, no effort
could be spared in punitive responses against sedition.
Just to be clear; Hadrian was a Good Emperor, widely
admired, he had respected the constitutional norms and very few of his fellow
senators had died at his hands. For his
biographers, his reported killing of the architect Apollodorus of Damascus out
of jealousy was regarded as a character flaw, and his genocide of the Jews was
footnote in History.
Importantly, History has noted Hadrian’s complete
self-confidence in his own abilities and knowledge in all matters, which
combined with absolute military power, does much to explain the Wall. Autocrats don’t have to admit they were
wrong, and their contemporaries would be unwise to suggest it; it is clear that
Hadrian blamed Nepos for the initial failure, and he never held office again.
More modern narratives of the Wall have stressed the idea of
‘dislocations’ or disruptions in the building program due to warfare, with
Roman losses evident, although little thought has been given to the native
population, or the role that this construction projects played in this cycle of
violence.
End Game
One Sunday, in hole under a road in Colchester, a lad on community service cautiously removed the gravelled surface of a Roman Street, to
reveal a layer of yellow sand. With great care he removed the sand to reveal
a darker layer of mud with wheel ruts and the footprint of an ox. Presumably, the ox was pulling the cart from which the sand was shovelled as the
first stage of surfacing the street, thereby preserving its own imprint in mud.
